Republicans – Knox Democrats Mon, 21 Jun 2021 18:07:32 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Republicans – Knox Democrats 32 32 Nasty NC Senate Primary Tests Trump’s GOP Influence Mon, 21 Jun 2021 16:33:18 +0000

“I can’t tell you what makes him tick,” Burr said of Trump. “I’ve never seen people support a candidate a year before primary. It’s unusual.

While Democratic Washington is engrossed in the challenges of implementing President Joe Biden’s agenda, Republican politics still revolve around Trump. But the open question is how long Trump’s rule will last: Budd’s internal poll released after the former president’s approval showed he was lagging behind McCrory. Trump has lost his Twitter megaphone and the 24-hour media coverage he had as president, which could hamper the effectiveness of his seal of approval.

Trump’s nod will be “helpful. But I don’t know if it will be decisive for Budd,” said Senator Lindsey Graham (RS.C.), who speaks frequently to Trump and remains neutral in the state of. Tar Heel. . “You have a well-known candidate for McCrory, and he’s not giving up.”

McCrory has met privately with Republican senators to argue that as a former governor he has a much better path than Budd or another top GOP prospect, former Rep. Mark Walker (RN.C.), according to people familiar with the situation. The stakes in the race to replace Burr are high: North Carolina has one of the best chances for Democrats to secure a seat next year, and Republicans are just one seat away from reclaiming a majority.

The North Carolina primary is early and expected in March – although that date may slip given the uncertainty over the House redistribution. The intra-GOP contest will offer a first clue of Trump’s influence over next year’s midterms, as Republicans seek to occupy seats in Pennsylvania, Missouri, Wisconsin, Ohio, Alabama and in North Carolina and attempt to overthrow Democratic Senators from New Hampshire, Arizona and Georgia. and Nevada.

If Republicans nominate a weaker general election candidate in a single state like North Carolina, they could end up missing their chance to retake the Senate. Walker compared the situation to the Republicans’ debacle in the 2017 Alabama Senate race, where Democrat Doug Jones won over the besieged and Trump-backed Republican candidate: “To me, that’s a sort of Roy Moore situation if you’re not careful. “

“I don’t see how [Budd] can win a general election, ”Walker said in an interview. He had only slightly nicer words for McCrory, who lost his race for re-election for governor in 2016 to Democrat Roy Cooper. Walker appears to be currently in third place in the Senate primary, with McCrory seeking establishment support and Budd winning Trump’s favor. Walker, however, is touting a victory in a straw poll among North Carolina Republicans.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has not indicated whether he will pick a favorite in the race. The Kentucky Republican has made it clear he is ready to step into the primaries if he sees it necessary to ensure that the GOP wins Senate control in 2022. But in the case of North Carolina, that could also put McConnell on the road to war with Trump. – a course he seems keen to avoid, at least for now.

“I just want to win in November. And I have no opinion on the primary in that regard, ”McConnell said when asked for Trump’s approval.

Budd, a former businessman, came to Congress in 2017 when Trump took office and quickly established a reputation as a die-hard conservative. The Club for Growth also supports his candidacy for the Senate.

While Trump’s endorsement can certainly boost Budd in the primary, it’s unclear if the former president can propel him through the finish line. With Trump’s online presence reduced, Budd may have to spend a lot to let voters know about the approval.

Many Republicans believe McCrory’s statewide experience – which has given him a great identity and a broad fundraising base – makes him the best-placed candidate to face the Democratic nominee in the fall. next. But he also lost in 2016 – a good year for Republicans, when Burr won his third term after leading a typically low-key race.

“Right now I still think Pat is the favorite because of his many statewide races. However, I think President Trump will take it down on McCrory, which is going to hurt him in a Republican primary when more people pay attention, ”Walker said.

The Democratic field has also started to take shape in the race for Burr’s succession. It includes State Senator Jeff Jackson, former State Senator Erica Smith and former State Supreme Court Justice Cheri Beasley. So far, Senate Democrats have remained neutral, reflecting the hands-off approach of Republican National Senate Committee Chairman Rick Scott (R-Fla.).

Trump’s surprise intervention has been the most significant drama so far, creating painful feelings among his party’s candidates and sparking rifts among Republicans in North Carolina.

Walker accuses former Trump chief of staff Mark Meadows of orchestrating the endorsement, which was rolled out at the state party convention while the other candidates were in attendance – catching them off guard. The former GOP lawmaker also accused Meadows of pushing Trump to make a bad choice in another North Carolina primary: In 2020, Trump backed Meadows’ family friend Lynda Bennett instead of now-Rep. Madison Cawthorn.

Walker won the backing of Trump’s chief of staff Mick Mulvaney, but that endorsement is secondary to Trump’s. Walker said Meadows gave Trump “bad advice” on Budd’s approval.

Walker, the former head of the conservative Republican Study Board, and Meadows, who once chaired the hard-line House Freedom Caucus, often hit each other’s heads during their time in Congress together. Almost from the start, there seemed to be competition between the “two brands,” who were both ambitious and seeking to ascend the House – a relationship that quickly turned into a tense political rivalry.

And outgoing Senator Thom Tillis (RN.C.), who Walker has threatened to run against in 2020, is making sure to refer Walker whenever he gets the chance. Assuming the pitch, Tillis sees a two-man race: “If I was Mark Walker, I wouldn’t have run for the Senate because I couldn’t see a path for myself. “

McCrory expressed frustration with Trump’s endorsement in the race, saying Trump “received bad advice in picking a Washington DC insider.” Budd’s internal polls also showed he gained a significant advantage when voters were told of Trump’s approval.

Amid the first signs that the race could turn nasty, there are fears that the eventual GOP candidate may be damaged by the main battle. Walker is the underdog, but his stinging attacks could elicit a backlash from his rivals that would create an even bigger spectacle.

But McCrory and Budd act like he barely exists. In a statement, Budd said he would prove to Burr he “was wrong” by winning the general election. His advisor, Jonathan Felts, said McCrory’s 2012 gubernatorial victory was “served on a country club silver platter and handed to him.”

Asked to respond, McCrory’s advisor Jordan Shaw put the primary in dire terms.

“If Republicans want a majority in the US Senate, they’ll nominate Pat McCrory,” Shaw said. “Otherwise, the Democrats will take this seat and keep the majority. “

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Analysis: For Biden, confronting Putin may have been easier than dealing with Republicans in Washington Sun, 20 Jun 2021 04:04:00 +0000

Members of the transatlantic coalition – at meetings of the Group of Seven, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union – expressed exuberant relief during the new president’s first overseas trip. Biden’s predecessor, Donald Trump, had undermined their common goals while showing submission to the Russian autocrat Biden confronted during his last stopover.

But Biden banked on the national success of his own presidency. And this poses an excruciating challenge in two overlapping ways.

He chose it for the popularity of its elements and the effects he envisions expanding opportunities and changing the course of the US economy. Its promulgation represents the test par excellence of its wish to show that democracies can “be at the service of their people”.

Yet the ultra-thin majorities in the Democratic Congress cast doubt on the prospects of defeating Republican resistance.

During Biden’s trip, developments on Capitol Hill gave the White House a silver lining. Ten senators from each party moved closer to a bipartisan compromise on the physical infrastructure elements of their plan.

Adopting this compromise could in turn reduce the cost of – and increase the willingness of moderate Democrats to vote for – a follow-up package with the remaining elements through a budget “reconciliation” process requiring only democratic votes. If Republicans block the compromise, moderate Democrats will see party unity on a reconciliation plan as the only way to act.

“Progress but still a lot of bumps to come,” a senior administration official told CNN. As long as 41 of the 50 Republican senators can kill one party by obstruction and one of the 50 Democrats can kill the other party by defection, it’s safer to bet on the bumps.

Biden’s second big challenge is to maintain government control for his party over a GOP with growing overtones of authoritarianism. Heightening the bet on Senatorial Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s famous but unsuccessful pledge to make Barack Obama a single-term president, Wyoming GOP Senator John Barrasso has publicly said he aims to keep Biden at a “half-hour”. mandate “of effective governance.

The long-established pattern of midterm elections indicates that Republicans are getting there. The typical midterm gain for the party that doesn’t own the White House would easily wipe out the 222-212 Democratic majority in the House; a mere gain of a Senate seat would make McConnell the majority leader again.

Additionally, Republicans are using Red State governments to tip the scales in the wake of Trump’s election lies and the failed Jan.6 insurgency on the U.S. Capitol. Their efforts include strengthening partisan oversight of election results certifications and reducing voting practices in 2020.

Democrats have sounded the alarm bells on voting restrictions. But the well-known 10-year process of redrawing the boundaries of the District of House poses a greater threat to their majority.

“The upcoming redistribution fights will make debates over electoral law changes look like a walk in the park,” said David Wasserman, a redistribution expert at the Cook Political Report. With Republicans in full control of state governments drawing 187 districts to 75 Democrats, gerrymandering alone could overthrow the House.

Biden found a silver lining last week for the Democratic effort to protect voting rights as well. Most recalcitrant Democratic senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia unveiled what he presented as a bipartisan compromise accepting Republican calls to demand voter identification while banning partisan gerrymanders, making Election Day a national holiday and guaranteeing 15 consecutive days of early voting.

It will not produce bipartisan courtesy. McConnell pledged opposition to roadblocks after black Georgia politician Stacey Abrams, a leading voting rights activist, passed it.

As with infrastructure, Democrats could still take advantage of Republican resistance to compromise on voting rights.

One possibility is that Manchin himself could join with other Democrats in voting to bypass the filibuster rules in order to pass his plan in the name of protecting democracy. More likely, the specter of abuse of power by a GOP blocking an independent January 6 investigation will provide Democrats with a powerful 2022 mobilization tool.

Biden’s party has other strengths. Having lost seats in the House in 2020, they have fewer marginal seats to protect. Trump remains dominant inside the GOP but a political burden outside. The participation of his blue collar base may sag without him on the ballot.

The reopened economy, boosted by Biden’s $ 1.9 trillion Covid relief program, is growing as the pandemic recedes. Biden has consistently held a net positive jobs approval rating – much like Bill Clinton in 1998 and George W. Bush in 2002, the only two presidents in the past half-century to win midterm seats.

Yet the historical ebb that Biden faces has been consistent and strong. His partisan opponents wield powerful weapons and a relentless determination to see him fail. Even for an experienced president with seasoned advisers, changing Vladimir Putin’s behavior may seem easy in comparison.

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Trump’s influence over Republicans put to the test in Michigan Sat, 19 Jun 2021 08:30:44 +0000

LANSING, Michigan – Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer’s poll numbers aren’t what they used to be, and she has provided fodder for critics who see her breaking her own coronavirus rules.

But a year after then-President Donald Trump urged his supporters to “LIBERATE MICHIGAN” and the FBI scuttled an alleged militia plot to kidnap Whitmer, the GOP has struggled to find a familiar or clearing candidate to challenge her in 2022. Many Republican leaders and voters who aim her for defeat are obsessed with conspiracy theories and the false belief that ballot audits such as the partisan one that takes place in Arizona will prove that Trump did not lose in 2020.

“Do we even know who is running? Toni Shuff, 66, and her friends wondered on the Michigan Capitol lawn last week during a rally for the Convention of States, a conservative group that seeks to limit the power of the federal government by amending the Constitution without Congress.

The early dynamics shaping the Republican primary highlight the tensions unfolding in other states and high-stakes contests across the country. Potential gubernatorial candidates proceed with caution when calculating how far, if any, they can distance themselves from Trump, his mixed pandemic messages and his relentless lie that a second term has been stolen from him.

Those already showing up are looking at the far-right fervor of the moment, whether they echo Trump’s provocative rhetoric against Whitmer or continue to publicly cast doubt on President Joe Biden’s victory. On this last point, they see little downside: a new Morning Consult / Politico poll shows that 51% of Republican voters believe audits like Arizona’s will change the outcome.

“At this point, what I personally believe is irrelevant,” Austin Chenge, one of at least six declared but largely unknown GOP candidates, told NBC News when asked if he thought that the election was stolen from Trump. “The vast majority think there are questions that need to be answered. “

As in other states where pro-Trump activists seize the party’s levers of power, it has become more difficult here to distinguish fringe actors from establishment stewards.

In March, Michigan Republican Party Chairman Ron Weiser called Whitmer and the two other female state government leaders “witches” who should “be burnt at the stake.” Its co-chair, Meshawn Maddock, helped organize buses to Washington, DC, on Jan.6 and spoke at a rally there before Trump supporters stormed the Capitol. She also recently suggested that Michigan separate from the United States, Brexit-style. And her husband, State Representative Matt Maddock, introduced a bill that would require fact-checkers – like those who exposed the couple’s questionable election allegations – to register with the state and s ‘insure, or pay up to $ 1,000 a day in fines if they don’t.

Meanwhile, Conservative activists are furious at Representatives Peter Meijer and Fred Upton, two Michiganders who were among 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump in January over his role in the Capitol Riot. They also called for the ouster or censorship of the state party’s executive director, who said Trump had “blown up” the 2020 election.

All of this contributes to the political environment Michigan Republicans must weigh when deciding to seek their party’s gubernatorial nomination in 2022. But crude right-wing credentials might not be enough in a state Biden has. won by around 154,000 votes. Cross-appeal is important, as is having the necessary resources and notoriety to compete.

“The repeated failures of Michigan and National Republicans to recruit a viable candidate for governor are no accident,” said Rodericka Applewhaite, spokesman for the Michigan Democratic Party. “This is a direct testament to Governor Whitmer’s strong leadership throughout this pandemic while facing hyperpartisan obstruction in the GOP-led Legislature and an attempt by the right-wing militia against his life.”

Ronna McDaniel – the former state party chairperson, granddaughter of former Michigan Governor George Romney and head of Trump’s hand-picked Republican National Committee – dismissed the idea that she might run . Two other prominent Republicans, former Rep. Candice Miller and state Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey, have also said they are not interested.

John James, the losing candidate in the last two US Senate elections, is taking his time deciding whether he wants to risk losing three times in four years. Businessman Kevin Rinke has stepped up expectations by slamming Whitmer in a guest column for Fox News this month.

James Craig, who recently retired as Detroit Police Chief to prepare for an expected campaign he has yet to launch, is drawing the most attention and has spoken to leaders of the Republican Governors Association eager to overthrow Whitmer. But the political novice has been slow to put together a team and reluctant to offer views on Trump and other issues.

“I’m in the process of evaluating,” Craig said last week. “I’m not getting too deep in the weeds.”

Several polls in recent months have shown that Whitmer’s job approval and favorable ratings are waning. A May poll by Michigan’s MIRS News and Target Insyght found her leading Craig by 6 percentage points and James by 10 in hypothetical clashes. A Michigan Republican Party poll this month put Craig 7 points ahead of Whitmer and James 5 points behind her.

“I think the filing deadline is about 10 months away,” Curt Anderson, James’s policy adviser, said by email last week on Main Dynamics. “If John James shows up, he will be the candidate.”

With the primary not scheduled until August 2022, many Michigan Republicans are still fighting past battles. In Macomb County, a suburb of Detroit, where “Reagan Democrats” became all the rage in the 1980s, party officials are particularly interested in revisiting 2020. As local activists sipped wine and beer Heineken beer At a recent county GOP meeting, Stan Grot, the clerk who oversees elections in Shelby Township, urged them to demand “public accuracy tests” for the voting machines in their compound.

“Take preventative measures ahead of the election,” said Grot, who also heads the Republican 10th District organization of Congress. “We can fix this if we keep an eye on the ball, folks. “

Shuff and his friends, who traveled more than two hours from Grayling in northern Michigan for the State Convention rally last week at the State Capitol, also expressed doubts about the latest election. And they had a familiar list of grievances against Whitmer. They argued that she was not following her own rules, recalling times last year, in the early months of the pandemic, when her husband requested special treatment for his boat. More recently, Whitmer has seen uncomfortable headlines about a private jet she took to visit her father and a photo that emerged of her gathering in a group larger than her health orders. allowed.

Although the friends did not know the declared Republican gubernatorial candidates, they had heard of Craig, the former police chief, and were intrigued.

The other candidates, meanwhile, are struggling to assert themselves as plausible candidates largely by relying on the issues and ideas pushed by Trump and right-wing media figures.

Tudor Dixon is a Tory news host on the same network who introduces former Trump adviser Steve Bannon who made adherence to the stolen election lie a litmus test for GOP candidates. She channels Trump on his campaign website with a call to “free the Michiganders from lockdowns.”

Ryan Kelley, a local planning commissioner, is the founder of the American Patriot Council, a group that called on Whitmer and other Democrats to be arrested. Kelley was also in Washington on Jan.6 to support Trump, but said he was not inside the Capitol during the riot.

Garrett Soldano, a chiropractor, got a social media ban – and, he says, a Facebook ban – for staging a pushback against Whitmer’s pandemic rules. If Trump, a businessman and reality TV star with no political experience, could win the presidency, Soldano explained by phone last week, a hitherto unknown leader of the anti-containment movement could do so as well.

There are also two spiritual leaders: Ralph Rebandt, a soon-to-retire pastor from the Detroit suburbs, and Bob Scott, the vice-president of a ministerial association. Rebandt brags about his work as a police chaplain and lists an endorsement from the Southeast Michigan Association of Chiefs of Police – useful information when the top favorite could be a former police chief from that area. While he has many of the same complaints about Whitmer and says without proof that the election was stolen from Trump, he’s gentler in the way he delivers the message.

“Everyone is angry, and I understand that,” Rebandt said in an interview last week in his church office in Farmington Hills. “But anger is an emotion, not a solution.”

Then there is Chenge. The businessman, army specialist and Nigerian immigrant promises to cancel any contract with the state with Dominion Voting Systems, a company at the center of debunked stolen election claims. He also wants to cancel Black History Month, a point that earned him early attention. Like Craig and James, he would be Michigan’s first black governor.

As part of his effort to meet more voters, Chenge ended up last week at the Huron Valley Guns in New Hudson. Eric Trump turned down an appearance at the store last year after the owner revealed that one of the suspects in the Whitmer kidnapping plot had briefly worked there.

This Wednesday evening, Huron Valley was scheduled to host a gubernatorial candidates’ forum but, for reasons no one could explain, the event was canceled. Chenge, wearing a blue suit and tie with a Hi-Point hanging from his hip, stopped anyway. He quietly introduced himself to a few employees and, as Bob Seger’s “Against the Wind” played on the stereo, walked over to the shooting range.

After collecting his safety glasses and earmuffs, Chenge played with the target of the human figure for a moment before sending it to the gallery. A few laps later, he shot the target back. He had hung it horizontally, as if the man was lying on his side.

A single shot had approached the target.

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Republicans wave white flag on health care (for now) Fri, 18 Jun 2021 17:06:33 +0000

For Republicans, there is reason to expect Obamacare to persist as some kind of zombie problem, used by conservative politicians to rally grassroots with little real hope of eliminating the law. And in the dozen states that have refused to expand Medicaid, the fights for the law will certainly continue. But other issues, like culture wars battles over race and transgender rights, have already supplanted healthcare as the party’s favorite red meat.

“I don’t know what’s next” on health care, Rep. Nancy Mace, a Republican from South Carolina, said in an interview on MSNBC. “I hope this is not the end of the road.”

Still, the political battle over the future of the law could become more contentious for Democrats, who disagree on how to tackle issues like large deductibles, high premiums, and barriers to expansion. of Medicaid.

In 2020, questions of how to lean on the law dominated the Democratic Party primaries race, which ended badly for liberal politicians. Senator Elizabeth Warren’s campaign failed after she was pressed for details of her radical healthcare alternative. In a book published last month on her campaign, Ms Warren largely attributed her defeat to her fumbling efforts to explain how she would pay for her health care policies. Joseph R. Biden Jr., who advocated strengthening the health care law instead of cutting private insurance, defeated Ms Warren and several other more progressive rivals, including Senator Bernie Sanders.

Mr Sanders, whose plan to nationalize U.S. healthcare has long been at the heart of his political message, praised the court ruling this week but said it was not enough. As chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, he is pushing to lower the age of Medicare eligibility from 65 to 60 and expand the range of health services covered by the law.

“We are the only great country, as you know, that does not guarantee health care for all,” he told Capitol Hill this week. “There are millions of older workers who would like to benefit from Medicare and who cannot today, which is why we need to lower the age, and there are millions more who cannot hear, cannot afford glasses and dental care. “

President Biden has signaled little new interest in changing his stance on the campaign.

“The affordable care law remains the law of the land,” he said in a White House statement, adding that it was time “to move forward and continue to rely on this historical law “.

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For Republicans, “Crisis” Is Message As Outrage Machine Gains Power Thu, 17 Jun 2021 20:54:54 +0000

Last week, the target of Republican outrage was Ms Omar, after a tweet she posted that appeared to equate Israel’s and US actions with human rights violations by Hamas and the Taliban. Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the minority leader, called the tweet anti-Semitic – although it does not mention Jews or Judaism – and threatened to try to remove Omar from the foreign affairs committee , a step they have not yet taken.

Republicans also insist that the push by some progressive Democrats to “fund the police” has directly led to a very real increase in crime in cities across the country.

It can become difficult to follow all the catastrophisms. On Tuesday, minutes after Representative Michael McCaul, the top Republican on the Foreign Affairs Committee, warned of aggressive cyberattacks from Moscow and the looming Russian stranglehold on Europe’s power supply, Mr Scalise said said, “I don’t know if Vice President Harris understands the crisis isn’t in Europe, it’s on America’s southern border, and she and President Biden created it.

There are plans to develop republican policy proposals. Mr. McCarthy convened seven working groups: jobs and the economy; the censorship of big technologies; the “Future of American Freedoms”; energy, climate and conservation; American security; “Healthy future”; and China. Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers from Washington, who heads the large tech task force, said panels would take a year to come up with legislative and policy responses to consider in the midterm elections.

“The goal is to be ready on day 1,” if the Republicans regain a majority, she said.

For now, even Republicans who have criticized their leaders say they have time to formulate an agenda beyond the contempt machine they eagerly feed. Rep. Chip Roy, Republican from Texas, noted that Newt Gingrich’s contract with America didn’t really see the light of day until September 1994, two months before Republicans’ resounding mid-term sweep.

“There’s a day-to-night difference between Republicans and Democrats, say, on border security, where we’re united enough to say we need to secure the border, and I don’t think they are. care about it, ”he said. “We are seeing small businesses unable to hire people because they pay people more not to work. We are fairly united on these key differences. Putting it all together thematically and how you get the message across to the American people, I think that’s something you’re working on.

As for Democrats, most just don’t think the crisis rhetoric is working, beyond the clicks generated by right-wing media and Facebook algorithms that thrive on outrage over Dr’s succession decision. Seuss to stop publishing works that include blatant racial and ethnic stereotypes or Hasbro’s shift to a gender-neutral brand for its iconic plastic toy, now known as the Potato Head.

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14 Republicans vote against making June 19 a federal holiday Thu, 17 Jun 2021 00:03:59 +0000

More than a dozen House Republicans voted against legislation on Wednesday to make Juneteenth, which marks the end of slavery in America, a federal holiday.

The House still passed the bill by an overwhelming majority with a vote of 415 to 14, a day after the Senate approved it by unanimous consent.

Bill is now heading towards President BidenJoe BidenMellman: Trump voters hold on to 2020 story FDA clears yet another batch of vaccine J&J Cotton warns China collecting DNA from athletes at 2022 Olympics MORE for his signature by June 19, the day in 1865 when Major General Gordon Granger of the Union Army informed the remaining slaves of Galveston, Texas that they had been freed by the Emancipation Proclamation published more than two years earlier.

The 14 Republicans who voted against the bill were Reps Andy Biggs (Arizona), Mo BrooksMorris (Mo) Jackson BrooksShelby backs former aide to Trump’s favorite candidate in Alabama Senate race GOP lawmaker removes tweet that appeared to mistakenly reveal email password (Alabama), Andrew Clyde (Ga.), Scott DesJarlais (Tenn.), Paul GosarPaul Anthony Gosar21 Republicans vote against awarding medals to police who defended Capitol on Jan.6 On the Trail: Arizona is microcosm of the battle for the GOP Trump looms large on the fractured GOP of the Arizona PLUS (Arizona), Ronny Jackson (Texas), Doug La MalfaDouglas (Doug) LaMamalfa Growing number of lawmakers test positive for COVID-19 after Capitol Hill siege READ: Republicans who voted to challenge election results Interior ends endangered species protection for gray wolves MORE (California), Thomas MasséThomas Harold Massie21 Republicans vote against awarding medals to the police who defended Capitol on January 6. House GOP hits back at mask, metal detector fines Massie and Greene, Sergeant-at-Arms trash mask violation warnings (Ky.), Tom mcclintockThomas (Tom) Milller McClintock Alyssa Milano says she could “potentially run” for House in 2024 “If this thing qualifies, I’m toast”: An oral history of Gray Davis recall in California Lawmakers tout bipartisan support for the resolution criticizing the Iranian government MORE (California), ralph laurenRalph Warren Norman21 Republicans vote against awarding medals to police who defended Capitol on January 6. (SC), Mike rogersMichael (Mike) Dennis Rogers’ ‘Havana Syndrome’ and other escalations mark a grim turning point in the spy game Understanding Russia and ourselves before the summit To fight economic extortion from China, take a page from the cold war MORE (Alabama), Matt Rosendale (Montreal), Chip RoyCharles (Chip) Eugene Roy21 Republicans vote against awarding medals to police who defended Capitol on January 6 The Hill’s Morning Report – Biden-Poutin meeting to dominate week Roy introduces bill barring Communist Party members Chinese to buy American land MORE (Texas) and Tom Tiffany (Wis.).

Several House Republicans opposed the official call for “Juneteenth National Independence Day” for fear that it would be mistaken for Independence Day on July 4.

“I fully support the creation of a day to celebrate the abolition of slavery,” Massie said during the debate in the House. “However, naming this day as National Independence Day will create confusion and cause Americans to choose either of these two days as Independence Day based on their racial identity.”

Massie suggested that Juneteenth’s feast could be called “Emancipation Day” instead.

representative Brenda LaurentBrenda Lulenar LawrenceTulsa Marks Centennial of Racial Massacre As America Struggles With Racial Injustice After George Floyd, How Much Has He Changed? Lobbying world PLUS (D-Mich.), A member of the Congressional Black Caucus, responded moments later that Massie’s argument was “inappropriate.”

“I want my colleague on the other side – and I mean, my white colleague on the other side – to get your independence from being enslaved in a country is different from a country that gets independence to govern itself. . It’s not a day that you can wrap up together. It’s inappropriate, ”Lawrence said.

Another Republican cited the Culture Wars to teach American children in schools the history of the nation’s systemic racism for opposing the establishment of Juneteenth as a federal holiday.

“Let’s call an ace an ace. It is an effort by the left to create a trumped-up day to celebrate identity politics as part of its broader efforts to make “critical race theory” the reigning ideology of our country. Since I believe in treating everyone equally, regardless of race, and focusing on what unites us rather than our differences, I will vote ‘no’ ”, Rosendale said before the vote.

The Senate passed the bill Tuesday by unanimous agreement hours after the senator. Ron johnsonRonald (Ron) Harold JohnsonSenate Passes Bill to Make Juneteenth a Federal Holiday Jon Stewart: Coronavirus More Than Likely Caused by Science Hillicon Valley: House Targets Tech Giants With Antitrust Bills | president of JBS press monitoring for payment to hackers | spokesperson joins tech company | YouTube suspends Senator GOP MORE (R-Wis.) Announced that he would not object to his passage.

“While I strongly support the celebration of emancipation, I objected to the cost and the lack of debate. While it still seems odd that taxpayers are giving paid time off to federal employees to celebrate the end of slavery, it’s clear Congress is unwilling to discuss the matter any further. Therefore, I have no intention of opposing it, ”Johnson said in a statement.

Wednesday’s vote to make Juneteenth a federal holiday came a day after the House passed a bipartisan bill to award Congressional gold medals to police officers who helped defend the Capitol during the insurgency January 6.

A total of 21 Republicans voted against the bill, citing objections to its description of calling the crowd of former President TrumpDonald Trump Kushner lands deal on book, slated for release in 2022 Biden set to undo Trump’s trade legacy with EU deal Progressives rave about Harrison’s debut at DNC ​​PLUSSupporters of, who stormed the “insurgents” on Capitol Hill and called it “an attempt to rewrite history and promote a Democratic narrative.”

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Republicans Offer $ 125 Million More For Broadband | Wisconsin News Wed, 16 Jun 2021 00:31:00 +0000

By SCOTT BAUER, Associated Press

MADISON, Wisconsin (AP) – The effort to extend high-speed internet to underserved rural areas of Wisconsin would receive a boost of $ 125 million under the budget drafted by Republicans, or about 75 million dollars less in public funding than proposed Democratic Governor Tony Evers.

The Republican co-chairs of the Joint Finance Committee said on Tuesday the money would be largely funded by bonds, but did not have details on how it would be allocated. The committee voted on the proposal later Tuesday.

The state funding would be in addition to federal coronavirus relief money arriving in Wisconsin that can be spent on broadband. Evers previously announced that $ 100 million in federal infrastructure money would go towards new broadband grants.

Expanding broadband access is one of the few issues at the Statehouse where Republicans and Democrats both agree it should be a priority. Evers has declared 2021 “the year of broadband” and has offered to spend around $ 200 million in state dollars on broadband over the next two years. The majority of that amount, about $ 152 million, would go to grants to expand services to underserved areas.

Political cartoons

Republican committee co-chair Senator Howard Marklein said it had not yet been determined whether the $ 125 million the committee planned to approve would go into the existing grant program.

The budget committee is working to finalize its budget plan so that the legislature can vote on it by the end of the month. That would then fall to Evers, who can make changes with its article veto.

Broadband Internet is defined by the Federal Communications Commission as a speed of at least 25 megabits per second for download and 3 megabits per second for download. The FCC estimates that about 392,500 Wisconsin residents do not have access to such fast speeds, almost all in rural areas.

This puts Wisconsin at the bottom of its neighboring states and below the national average, based on FCC broadband access data from 2019.

The Wisconsin Civil Service Commission estimates that it would cost between $ 740 and $ 1.4 billion to provide high-speed service equal to 25 Mbps of download and 3 Mbps of download to all residents of the state who have it. currently lacking.

There is a higher minimum speed for the use of federal money sent to Wisconsin. The $ 100 million in new grants announced by Evers can only be spent on expansion projects that meet or exceed download and upload speeds of 100 Mbps. It can go down to 100 Mbps download and 20 Mbps download only if higher speeds are not possible due to geography or excessive costs.

In April, Evers vetoed a Republican-drafted bill that would have allocated $ 500 million in one-time federal stimulus funds for broadband expansion.

Copyright 2021 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Pennsylvania Republicans have a path to victory in 2022. Pro-Trump candidates might not follow it. Tue, 15 Jun 2021 09:02:58 +0000

The 2020 election showed a tried and true way that Republicans can still win in Pennsylvania. But with former President Donald Trump still hanging over the party, will they follow him next year?

As Trump lost critical condition, other Republicans have won major victories to grab statewide rank offices and make gains in the state legislature.

The victories of Auditor General Tim DeFoor and Treasurer Stacy Garrity have shown that Republicans can still compete in critical suburban Pennsylvania. These campaigns could serve as the GOP’s roadmap to even bigger victories in next year’s nationally watched races for the Governor and the US Senate. DeFoor and Garrity won many swing voters who rejected Trump, enough to make the difference between his weak loss and their narrow wins.

In populated Chester County, for example, DeFoor got 45% of the vote and Garrity 44%, compared to about 41% for Trump. Although this is a seemingly small spread, in such a large county it meant 9,500 extra votes for Garrity and nearly 13,000 for DeFoor. A similar pattern repeated itself in the four suburban Philadelphia counties, where Garrity won 19,300 more votes than Trump and DeFoor topped him by almost 37,000 – despite there being less. voters in their races.

Continuing their losses among moderate suburban voters allowed the pair to follow a clear path to Republican victory.

But to the dismay of some GOP strategists – and the hope of Democrats – much of Republican politics continues to revolve around Trump, his many mock elections claims, and vendettas against real and perceived enemies.

“This idea that you’re going to play as far as you can with Trump is not a winnable strategy,” said David Dix, a strategist who worked for DeFoor last year and helped both Democrats and Democrats. republicans. “For the Republicans who knew how to [2020] campaign on something more than Donald Trump, for them they were very successful. “

READ MORE: What Sean Parnell, Liz Cheney and Rudy Giuliani Show About Trump’s Hold on Pennsylvania Republicans

Yet as long as Trump emerges as the dominant figure in the GOP, candidates know his voters will be critical in their primary elections. Two of the biggest Republican names among the gubernatorial contenders, State Senator Doug Mastriano and the former Representative of the United States. Lou Barletta, have clashed over who is closest to the former president. In the Senate race, the top candidates mixed broad appeals with signals of their good faith Trump.

“No statewide Republican candidate can win a primary or general election without the support of the Trump base,” said Tim Murtaugh, senior advisor to Barletta and former spokesperson for the Trump campaign. “To think otherwise ignores reality.”

Other Republicans see great opportunities to win both contests – but be careful to avoid the divide that has defined Trump.

“If you perfectly duplicate what Trump got in 2020, you lose,” said Christopher Nicholas, a Republican strategist who worked on an independent spending group supporting DeFoor.

While Trump racked up huge vote totals in rural areas, he was overwhelmed by heavy losses in the suburbs around Philadelphia, Pittsburgh and Harrisburg as some longtime Republican voters rejected him but remained loyal. to the negative vote of the GOP.

“There’s no way to be a ruling party in Pennsylvania without winning suburban communities,” said Mark Harris, a Republican strategist who worked on Garrity’s campaign. His cabinet now advises State Senator Dan Laughlin (R., Erie), who launched a gubernatorial campaign last week pledging to avoid culture wars and promoting his story of victory in a neighborhood swing.

Even in some counties where Trump had strong victories – like York, Lancaster and Cumberland – DeFoor and Garrity won higher percentages of the vote than him, an indication of the growing suburbanization of those areas, analysts from both parties said. .

“It shows that a lot of people who didn’t like Trump but were Republican-oriented came back to the GOP,” Nicholas said.

This is a warning sign for Democrats, who have come to rely on votes from the suburbs. And this suggests that while some in both parties have downplayed the importance of swing voters, they can still make a difference in a state as divided as Pennsylvania.

“There is clear evidence in the suburbs that there are a bunch of Republicans who have been like, ‘We’re Republicans, we’re not voting for Donald Trump. “But that’s different from saying, ‘We’re not Republicans anymore,’” said JJ Balaban, a Democratic strategist who worked on former treasurer Joe Torsella’s campaign against Garrity.

Nicholas also noted Pennsylvania’s election law that came into effect last year, which eliminated the ability for voters to support all candidates of a single party by pulling a single lever. In the midst of President Joe Biden’s victory, it likely helped Republicans vote, he said, although many GOP members decried the law because it also expanded postal voting.

Trump had unique strengths. He has achieved huge victories in post-industrial regions thanks to his appeal to many former Democrats. In Luzerne County in northeastern Pennsylvania, Trump won nearly 57% of the vote, compared to 53% for DeFoor and 52% for Garrity.

Other Republicans, including Garrity and DeFoor, have taken advantage of Trump’s appeal to rural and post-industrial areas, said Nick Trainer, a former Trump strategist now working with Barletta. The key to winning, he said, is to align with the Trump base while maintaining a distinct brand.

“You can support President Trump and also do your own thing, and these are the most successful people,” Trainer said. “The Democrats are going to run against Trump anyway, so trying to split up only hurts you with your own party supporters. “

But these rural and post-industrial results also reflect how Trump’s appeal has not been fully transferred to other Republicans. And these regions are getting smaller, while the suburbs are getting bigger.

“Maybe Republicans can win in 2022, but in the long term trends, unless they are able to reverse them, you’re going to see a concentration of Democratic votes where population growth is occurring,” he said. said Ben Forstate, a Democratic data analyst.

READ MORE: The Divided States of Pennsylvania: How One State Embodies American Political Discord

Other Republicans who have tried to emulate Trump’s approach have fallen flat. The gubernatorial candidate Scott Wagner and Barletta, as a candidate for the Senate, tied themselves closely to Trump in 2018 and were crushed.

“There is no evidence that someone who isn’t called Donald Trump can build the kind of rural fringes to the extreme,” Harris said. But there are a lot of Republicans, he said, who won by staying relatively close in the suburbs.

Of course, recent history shows that predictions are risky. There are plenty of startling results that have defied expectations or precedents, and some strategists from both parties argue that exciting and brash candidates – even if they are polarizing – are stronger.

Key aspects of Garrity and DeFoor’s victories may also not apply in 2022. Balaban noted that the auditor’s and treasurer’s races have been overshadowed by the presidential campaign. There will be much more control over the gubernatorial and Senate races, which are expected to be among the most fiercely contested in the country.

READ MORE: Pennsylvania Republicans target Tom Wolf, not Biden, as they seek to win 2022 governor’s race

And individual applicants matter. Garrity ran an army prison camp in Iraq and earned two Bronze Stars. DeFoor had a long experience in government that aligned with the role of auditor, most notably as Comptroller of Dauphin County.

As a black woman and man – DeFoor is the first person of color to win a statewide row office – the two may also have had an appeal beyond the GOP’s increasingly white male support base.

And the races of 2022 will surely encompass a wide range of issues. It will be a first referendum on Biden, and Democrats face a balance between the progressive wing of the party and their efforts to hold on to swing voters.

It gives hope to Republicans, who argue the Democrats’ left turn cost them a ballot in 2020 and gives the GOP another opening in a state ruled by tiny margins.

“Overall,” said Harris, “in most elections both teams show up and then you have to win in the middle of the playing field.”

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House Republicans sue over fines for metal detectors | Washington Examiner Mon, 14 Jun 2021 15:35:00 +0000

Two House Republicans on Monday filed a federal lawsuit against the House Sergeant-at-Arms and the House Executive Director for thousands of dollars in fines imposed for violations of the House’s metal detection rules.

GOP representatives Louie Gohmert of Texas and Andrew Clyde of Georgia filed a lawsuit in Federal District Court in Washington, DC through their attorney, Ken Cuccinelli, former attorney general of Virginia and head of the Trump administration.

The trial represents the most direct challenge to date in a package of security measures put in place by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Democratic leaders after the January 6 Capitol riots, when supporters of the President of the House The era Donald Trump stormed the building in an ultimately futile attempt to overturn the electoral count that handed the presidency over to Joe Biden.


In the lawsuit, Gohmert and Clyde argue that Sergeant-at-Arms William J. Walker and Executive Director Catherine Szpindor violated the 27th Amendment to the Constitution, which reads: “No law modifying the remuneration for the services of Senators and Representatives will take effect until an election of representatives has been made.

Lawmakers argue that the imposition and collection of fines reduces a member’s salary while in office. They also argue that it violates a constitutional provision that lawmakers cannot be arrested in the line of duty in Congress.

Gohmert and Clyde quote Article I, Sections 5: “Every house… can punish its members for disorderly behavior. In addition, Article I, Section 6 states, “[Representatives] will be in all cases, with the exception of the crime of treason and violation of public order, the privilege of arrest during their presence in their respective Houses and on their way to and from them.

Additionally, Republican lawmakers noted several instances where GOP members missed votes due to being held up at metal detectors, as opposed to Democratic lawmakers who were allowed to walk on the floor to vote after triggering the polls. scanners without subsequent punishment.

Gohmert was fined $ 5,000 and Clyde was fined $ 15,000 by House Sergeant-at-Arms Timothy Blodgett last month for “failing to follow a security check” before d ‘enter the bedroom of the Chamber.

Both attempted to appeal the fines to the House Ethics Committee in March, but the majority of the committee “did not accept the appeal,” said President Ted Deutch, a Democrat from Florida, and Row member Jackie Walorski, a Republican from Indiana, in a statement. joint statement.

Gohmert alleged that he had already gone through scanners to enter the floor before later exiting the bedroom into the President’s Lobby, a hallway adjacent to the floor, to the restroom. He returned upstairs through the President’s lobby, where there were no metal detectors at the time.

“There was no notice of change in the requirement that once all requirements were met and the house floor entered, I should be tossed on my return from the toilet a few steps from the President’s lobby,” said Gohmert at Washington Examiner. “The point is, I did pass the metal detector.”

Gohmert was fined a day after the House voted to impose financial penalties on lawmakers who refused to comply with metal detector rules.

Republicans ranted Pelosi’s action, calling it “unconstitutional” and many simply circled the pressure gauges until the speaker ordered end tables next to the scanner to prevent lawmakers from avoid the security measure. The House then passed a new measure, pushed by the president, in early February to impose fines on lawmakers who refused to comply with security checks.

Six House lawmakers, five Republicans and one Democrat, have been fined for metal detectors since the rule was passed. Pelosi commissioned a security check overseen by Capitol Hill police officers at every entrance to the room.

Under the rule, members of the House are fined $ 5,000 for the first violation and $ 10,000 for any subsequent penalties.

Along with Gohmert and Clyde, other lawmakers previously fined by the metal detector rule are the representatives of the GOP. Lloyd Smucker of Pennsylvania, Virginia Foxx of North Carolina, Hal Rogers of Kentucky, as well as Rep. Jim Clyburn, Democrat of South Carolina and House Majority Whip.

Unlike Clyde and Gohmert before them, Rogers and Clyburn successfully appealed their fines to the ethics committee last month, made up of five Republicans and five Democrats. Foxx and Smucker have yet to confirm that they will appeal their fines.


A home security footage video of Pelosi walking upstairs to the house on February 4th, posted by Politics, prompted Republicans to accuse the speaker of bypassing metal detectors to the ground. A spokesperson for Pelosi denied the charge, saying she followed security protocols that day by an officer using a manual wand device.

Original location: House Republicans sue over fines for metal detectors

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Nearly 30% of Republicans say they won’t get vaccinated: poll Sun, 13 Jun 2021 20:25:56 +0000

Nearly 30% of Republicans say they do not plan to be vaccinated against COVID-19, according to a poll released on Sunday.

A CBS News-YouGov poll found that 52% of Republicans are fully or partially vaccinated, while 6% plan to be vaccinated and 6% are undecided. Twenty-nine percent do not plan to be vaccinated, according to the survey.

Meanwhile, 77% of Democrats said they have been fully or partially vaccinated, while 12% plan to be vaccinated and 6% are undecided. About 5% of Democrats say they don’t plan to get the shot.

On whether the vaccine should be mandated by employers, nearly 80 percent of Democrats polled said yes, compared to 39 percent of Republicans.

Of those polled who said they would not get the vaccine or were still undecided, most – 50% – said they thought the vaccine had not been properly tested or that they were waiting to see what would happen with the vaccine. Forty percent said they don’t trust the government, while 30 percent said they don’t trust science or the pharmaceutical companies.

Eleven percent of those polled said they believed that because they had had COVID-19, they were now immune to the virus.

The poll comes as vaccination rates in the United States plummet and public health officials and the White House embark on a campaign to vaccinate hard-to-reach Americans. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shows that about 64 percent of American adults are at least partially vaccinated.

But conspiracy theories and misinformation have circulated since the release of the vaccines, complicating this effort.

Anti-vaccine activists and some Republicans have already started supporting calls to make it harder to tax the vaccine. According to USA Today, legislation that would make it illegal to impose a vaccine has been introduced by lawmakers in more than 40 states.

One example is an Ohio lawmaker who presented in April tHe would enact the Vaccine Choice and Anti-Discrimination Act, which would protect individuals from discrimination if they chose not to receive the COVID-19 vaccine. Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine (R) spoke out against the bill.

During an Ohio Legislature hearing on the bill, a nurse claimed the vaccine made her “magnetic” as she tried to get a hairpin and key to stick it on. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has already debunked the theory, saying vaccines can’t make you magnetic.

The CBS News-YouGov poll was conducted between June 8 and 10 among a nationally representative sample of 2,037 American adults. It has a 2.6 percentage point margin of error.

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